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Turkish prosecutors have finalized an indictment targeting Istanbul’s former mayor Ekrem Imamoglu, accusing him of leading a large-scale criminal organization that allegedly used municipal resources for personal and political gain.
The 3,900-page document, submitted to the 40th High Criminal Court of Istanbul, implicates 402 individuals, 105 of whom remain in custody. The court now has two weeks to decide whether to accept the case, which prosecutors describe as one of the most complex corruption files in recent Turkish history.
Imamoglu, detained since March, has denied all charges, calling the probe politically motivated. The main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) has also characterized the investigation as part of a broader attempt to dismantle the opposition ahead of upcoming elections.
Yet according to the indictment, Imamoglu’s supposed “organization” aimed to enrich its members through illicit means, take control of the main opposition CHP, and ultimately secure the presidency.
Prosecutors argue that the alleged criminal network, first formed during his tenure as Beylikduzu mayor between 2014 and 2019, evolved into a sprawling structure “like the arms of an octopus” after he became mayor of Istanbul in 2019.
Prosecutors trace the origins of the alleged criminal network to Imamoglu’s years as mayor of Beylikduzu, claiming he built an early system that extracted financial kickbacks from zoning and licensing approvals. Between 2015 and 2019, they say, the network engaged in at least 14 acts of bribery, money laundering, and tender manipulation, with Imamoglu directly involved in or directing each.
According to the indictment, this system evolved into a sophisticated financial “machine” after Imamoglu’s 2019 victory in Istanbul. Prosecutors argue that public tenders, construction permits, and municipal partnerships were turned into revenue streams—with 10% to 15% of each deal allegedly channeled into a “system fund.” The fund, they claim, enriched senior figures in the network and financed broader political ambitions.
The total damage to the public purse, prosecutors assert, exceeded ₺160 billion (approximately $5.3 billion) and $24 million in foreign currency. These funds, they argue, became the lifeblood of an “organization” that operated “like the arms of an octopus” inside city institutions. Imamoglu and his legal team have dismissed these accusations as baseless, describing the figures as “mathematically impossible and politically motivated.”
The second alleged objective, prosecutors claim, was to use illicit financial gains to secure control over the CHP. The indictment points to the party’s Istanbul provincial headquarters in Sariyer, allegedly purchased with “illegal proceeds,” as a symbol of this effort. The building’s ownership became a flashpoint within the party, especially after disputes over who controlled access and authority within it.
Prosecutors say Imamoglu sidelined then-provincial chair Canan Kaftancioglu during the building’s purchase and used the process as a “show of strength” to signal his ambitions for national leadership. It’s publicly known that during the process of Imamoglu’s arrest, Kaftancioglu didn’t put her best foot forward against it.
The indictment also cites internal party elections, alleging that Imamoglu “bought delegates” to ensure allies such as Ozgur Celik and Ozgur Ozel secured key leadership positions in 2023.
The indictment goes further, suggesting that the CHP used citizens’ personal data for political campaigning—an accusation prosecutors have forwarded to the Supreme Court’s Chief Public Prosecutor under the Political Parties Law. Although not a direct move toward party closure, the referral hints at potential legal consequences for Türkiye’s largest opposition movement.
Imamoglu’s allies frame these claims as part of a broader campaign to discredit and divide the party, arguing that the government fears a unified CHP under his leadership.
The third and most politically charged claim centers on Imamoglu’s alleged goal of turning his financial and organizational power into a national political platform. Prosecutors argue that his “criminal organization” was ultimately designed to secure his presidential candidacy and, in the long term, expand its influence across the country.
The indictment asserts that as Imamoglu learned of the investigation earlier this year, he “accelerated his plans” to become the CHP’s presidential candidate. His arrest on March 23 came just hours before the party’s internal vote, which he won decisively, becoming the sole candidate in a nationwide primary involving more than a million members.
Prosecutors claim that municipal contracts and affiliated companies were used to finance public relations efforts, sympathetic media coverage, and a network of "trolls," referring to the social media campaign of the same effort.
The file names several prominent media figures of opposition, while all the mentioned journalists have categorically denied the allegations.
Prosecutors also cited a secret witness who allegedly claimed that Imamoglu’s media adviser, Murat Ongun, funneled money through intermediaries to several social media accounts, several of which were anonymous X accounts.
The case has divided public opinion, with government supporters portraying it as a long-overdue exposure of deep corruption, while critics view it as a calculated attempt to eliminate a major opposition figure ahead of the next presidential race.
The perception it will create in the public eye is as important as revealing the truth of the case. The CHP called for the live broadcast of the trial in its early days. The Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) Chairman and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s ally Devlet Bahceli supported this idea.
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